Class Conflict Essay Example for Free

Class Conflict Essay Introduction: This essay aims to examine the extent to which class conflict affects education and life opportunities. The following paragraphs seek to illustrate how factors such as class position and parental attitudes affect education and life opportunities among different social classes and the conflict that lies between them. In order to understand the content of this essay it is first necessary to understand all of the possible variables involved. Throughout this essay I will examine the definitions of class, conflict, education and opportunity. The main body of the essay seeks to highlight the reason as to why people are members of certain classes and the effects this has on their chances for education and life opportunities, using the example of education in Britain. In conclusion, a brief synopsis of class conflict will be given and considerations of some of the reasons why this occurs. In answering the question through the use of an example from the social context in which class conflict effects education and life opportunities this essay aims to highlight how the conflict between classes effect a person’s right to an education and equal life opportunities. Class, Conflict, Education, Opportunity: In order to understand the content of this essay it is first necessary to understand all of the possible variables involved. Norman Goodman defines class as â€Å"a term widely used in sociology to differentiate the population on grounds of economic considerations such as inequalities in terms of wealth or income† (Goodman, 1992).In support of this the Concise Oxford English Dictionary defines conflict as â€Å"an incompatibility between opinions† (2004). In light of these two aforementioned definitions Karl Marx argues that â€Å"class conflict is not only inherent but inevitable within capitalism† (Goodman, 1992).Education can be defined as â€Å"the theory and practice of teaching† (2004). To once again quote from the Concise Oxford English Dictionary an opportunity is â€Å"a favourable time or set of circumstances for doing something† (2004). Why do we have social classes? Ultimately social classes are based on economic factors. Dating back to Victorian times, lower, middle and upper classes existed. The lower classes would have been made up of the landless labourers. Middle classes would have included the tradesmen i.e. people with a professional skill/qualification such as a blacksmith. Finally the upper classes would have consisted of the large farmers and business owners. The upper classes would traditionally employed people from the lower classes to run their farms or businesses. Although we have moved on since Victorian times, this social divide hasn’t changed much. There still remains today a prominent divide between the lower middle and upper class people. This can be seen now within the third level education in present days. Due to the economic crisis we are currently experiencing, less and less people are able to afford the luxury of a third level education. Sadly this is hitting the lower and working classes the hardest. Due to government cutbacks grants are being chopped leaving the less fortunate members of our society starved for further education. How does the conflict between different social classes effect education and life opportunities? As mentioned in the introduction class position and parental attitudes play a vital role in the effect that class conflict has on education and life opportunities. It has been proven that class position has a huge effect on parental attitudes in getting involved with their children’s school lives. A.Lareau outlines parental involvement as â€Å"preparing children for school (Lareau, 2000) , this includes assisting the child in learning the alphabet, speaking and reading stories to the child. This is to promote language development. Also parents should attend school event such as parent teacher meetings and comply with the requests teachers make of parents in furthering a child’s education. School success is positively linked with parental invol vement (Lareau, 2000). Through research it has been proven that a lack of â€Å"parental involvement is not random and that social classes have a powerful influence on parent involvement patterns† (Lareau, 2000).For example, â€Å"between forty and sixty per cent of working †¦ and lower-class parents fail to attend parent teacher conferences. For middle-class parents these figures are nearly halved, i.e., about twenty to thirty per cent. (Lightfoot1978, et al.). This is also proven true when we turn to the promotion of language development. These areas include â€Å"reading to children, taking children to the library, attending school events and enrolling children in summer school† (Lareau, 2000). Middle class parents were shown to take a more active role in schooling than the parents of middle and lower class children. Originally to enter the secondary educational system in Britain a fee had to be paid. It was privately organised and based on â€Å"differentiation along lines of socia l class† (McCulloch, 1998). The working and lower classes were only obliged to attend elementary education. Secondary education was intended solely for the wealthier middle class. The very wealthy and sons of landowners attended the â€Å"nine great schools of Eaton, Harrow†¦Merchant Taylors and St. Paul’s† (Sally Power, 2003), these were originally called public schools. Within the middle class there was a differentiation in the line of secondary education. This was shown by the Taunton Commission of the 1860s. Schools were divided into 3 categories depending on their clientele. The first group was catered for the sons of professional men, men in business (â€Å"whose profits put them on the same level as the great majority of professional men† (McCulloch, 1998)).This grade continued to the age of 18 or more. The second grade was much broader in its general curriculum than the first. This continued till the age of 16 and catered for the sons of â€Å"large shopkeepers, rising men of business and the larger tenant farmers† (McCulloch, 1998) .The third group catered for the â€Å"distinctly lower scale† such as small tenant farmers, small tradesman and superior artisans. This grade continued only till the age of 14. Gradually, however, access to secondary education was widened. The 1902 Act introduced a scholarship route which enabled intelligent products of elementary education to â€Å"proceed to free places in secondary education† (Roberts, 1977). Then, all children, â€Å"with exception of approximately five per cent whose parents desired and could afford an independent education† (Roberts, 1977), were given an equal opportunity with entry to different types of secondary schools that were introduced. â€Å"This depended solely on their performances in an impartial selection procedure that became known as the eleven-plus† (Roberts, 1977). At this time (1944) it was believed that society had reached equality in terms of secondary education and that each child was the maker of their own destiny depending only on their own accomplishments and hard work and not upon the socio-economic status of their parents. Now, However it is common knowledge that the 1944 Act was not successful as government reports showed that a â€Å"strong link remained between children’s educational attainments and their social class origins† (Roberts, 1977). Investigation showed that, in what was meant to be an equal opportunity of education for all, working class children seemed to â€Å"fall at every hurdle†. Social class was shown to be related to the allocation of children in primary school streams, their achievement in the eleven-plus selection procedures, â€Å"the streams towards which they gravitated within secondary schools† (Roberts, 1977), their chances of remaining in education passed the statutory age and also their resulting chances of entering higher education. Hence affecting their chance of employment in their future life which would enable them to support their family and hence being amore active member of the society in which they live. Conclusion: To conclude, from my research I do believe that class conflict has an effect on education and life opportunities as mentioned above parental attitudes and class position can have a devastating effect on a child’s life but it can also have a positive effect. This is down to where one’s family lies in the class structure. Trends show that many members of lower classes do not succeed in education as much as the members of the wealthier middle classes. This lack of success in education is often presents itself in further life. Bibliography: 2004. Concise Oxford English Dictionary. s.l. : Oxford University Press , 2004. Goodman, Norman. 1992. Introduction to Sociology. New York : Harper Perennial, 1992. Lareau, Annette. 2000. Home Advantage. Maryland : Rowman Littlefield Publishers , 2000. Lightfoot1978, Ogbu1974, McPherson1972 and Galen1987, Van. McCulloch, Gary. 1998. Failing the Ordinary Child ? Buckingham : Open University Press, 1998. Roberts, Cook, Clark, Semeonoff,. 1977. The Fragmentary Class Structure. London : Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, 1977. Sally Power, Tony Edwards, Geoff Whitty ,Valerie Wigfall. 2003. Education and the Middle Class. Buckingham : Open University Press, 2003.

J&K Outfitters Ltd. Essay Example for Free

JK Outfitters Ltd. Essay The organization I am going to talk about is JK Outfitters Ltd. I will be explaining the advantages and the disadvantages of using ratio analyse within the business, by the help of using the ratio analyse it will show the financial performance of the business as it can help the investors to gain the inside health of the company. Each ratio within the business plays a different prospective e.g. The stock turnover ratio shows you how quickly a company sells and replaces the stocks which are the goods and materials that a business holds for the purpose of resale. The advantage of using this stock turnover ratio will help the investors to make a decision on rather to invest in this business or no because it will show the health of the company. The other type of ratio I am going to talk about is the current ratio which provides the business amount of assets compared to its liabilities which shows the business ability to pay its debts. With the help of this ratio the investors get the idea of will they get their money back if they will invest in that business. On the other side ratio fails to address the potential of the company as they only offer inside to the business present situation as it won’t give the future prediction of the business. For example, if the company is about to merge and acquire large amount of capital the ratio will not reveal these new changes therefore ratios cannot be the only measurements investors use to assess companies value, because this numbers do not reveal other key information such as industry changes and economy forces. Another disadvantage I am going to talk about of using ratio is that some ratio might indicate the company is performing well while other indicates financial issues therefore investors need to assess multiple ratios to get the picture of the business stability which can help them to come to a conclusion rather to invest or not within that business. Ratios are beneficial to some parties however not to the other, such as a bank might not consider giving a help or interest to the companies’ book to market ratio however, the financial investors will evaluate its level of depth ratio to see if the company is worth of a loan.

European Security and Defence Policy: An Analysis

European Security and Defence Policy: An Analysis Introduction Faced with the challenges and risks arising in the process of economic globalization and world order, Europe is trying to respond adequately to it, namely, creating a general political unity, and forming a European identity. Within the EU there is ramified mechanism of economic, political and legal organs and institutions, carried out the interaction of the member-states of integration associations virtually in all directions. The political formation of the EU has gained a new powerful impetus after its inclusion of legal and institutional framework in the founding document of the EU in the Maastricht Treaty, the so-called second pillar of the European Union, entitled Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At the present stage of EU development the issue about effectiveness of the CFSP and ESDP in particular is staying very acute, that is the question of the effectiveness of the overall approach and collective action in addressing foreign policy issues. This question is urgent in light of events relating to the settlement of a conflict in the Balkans after the collapse of the Yugoslav state in the beginning and end of the 90s., with the campaign against terrorism after September 11, 2001 in New York and Washington, Madrid in 2004, and London in 2005 and the reconstruction of Afghanistan as well as the situation around Iraq. Recent Russias invasion of Georgia on Aug. 7 of 2008 showed that the threat of traditional military confrontation has not disappeared. Therefore, Europe must restructure their armed forces in such a way as to carry out military operations in both security contexts, determining what threats it will face and how best to counter them. It has been 10 years since the emergence of ESDP. During this time the EU has faced many challenges associated with the implementation of this policy, ranging from lack of resources, institutional weakness, ending with the influence of the world players. Although, it is still early to drew a definite conclusions regarding the effectiveness of ESDP. However, we can talk about some appropriateness of the process that has been established in this trend. Therefore the aim of this individual research paper is an attempt to analyze the main problems faced by the EU towards the effective implementation of ESDP, and what the possibilities opened up for Europe within the framework of ESDP after the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon. This work is an analysis of the lessons learned in order to integrate them into future development of this institution or any other organizations. In accordance with the purpose of this work, it is structured into 3 chapters. First chapter will provide an opportunity to explicate how internal and external factors have pushed the EU to establish ESDP, as well as the role played by EU 3 (France, Germany and Great Britain) in the creation of this policy. Furthermore, it will explore concern about attitude of the US towards the creation and development of this policy. Second chapter scrutinized an existence of ESDP and highlight the main challenges which has been identified by the analyst for the past 10 years as regards to civil, military and financial resources. I have chosen the entire period of ESDP existence, as this policy is still very young for the definitively assess its ultimate effectiveness and feasibility. In other words, this is analysis of lessons learned. Third chapter will focus on the possibilities of ESDP. It will examine what changes can be expected in the near future in relation to this policy, in regards to the improvements towards increasing of military and civilian capacities. Furthermore it will underline the main changes and opportunities which brings newly approved Lisbon Treaty. The work is carried out by argumentative essay method. This study paper will not analyze all conducted and ongoing missions of ESDP, also it will not touch upon history of ESDP development, as this paper will focus only on problems that interfere with this policy to exist independently and efficacy, and the hidden possibilities of this policy that are not yet fully appreciated. Also, the question concerning relationship between the Greece, Turkey and Cyprus that brings some difficulties in cooperation between NATO and ESDP are not present in this essay. Political context as an obstacle for the development of effective ESDP on the contemporary stage Preconditions for the creation of ESDP In order to understand the marrow of ESDP it makes sense to consider the internal and external preconditions that led to the creation of this policy. Among the external preconditions are dominated by the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 in the U.S. At one time the confrontation with Warsaw Pact had impeding the creation of a truly European system of security, shifting the balance of influence in favor of NATO and the United States. However, in late 1980 the situation began to transform rapidly. The basis and purpose of the transatlantic relationship had changed. Change of the geostrategic situation in the continent, associated with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and, accordingly, the bipolar system of international relations has opened up to Western European countries, opportunities to become more attractive center of power in the sphere of security. In turn, increasing economic role of the EU gave rise to the desire of European leaders to complement its overall diplomatic and military instruments, without which the influence of the EU in international affairs would remain marginal. Throughout the 1990s the EU was looking for such tools. However, early results have been mediocre a common foreign policy and security policy has not become a really common and was incapable to avoid a tragedy in the Balkans.[1] Therefore, the emerging sense of security vacuum in Europe made closer positions of the Member States (EU MS), which led to the materialization of ESDP. Conventional military forces, which are used to build in Europe, did not meet the challenges and threats inherent in post-bipolar world, it was the necessity to build up forces with flexible structure capable of performing non-traditional military functions. To maintain the security framework at the present level were required expensive systems. And the resolution of crisis situations required the presence of highly mobile units, equipped with the latest weapons and communication systems. The military budgets of the most nation-states have been unable to meet the requirements of the military sector developments. As a result, Europe has left two options: to continue to rely on the United States or attempt to integrate into the military sphere and create own forces. After a while a new stimulus for the development of an independent ESDP had appeared, such as disagreement with U.S. unilateralism and U.S. domination of NATO. The differences in the positions of the U.S. and Europe emerged during the conflicts in the Balkans and, most clearly during the Iraqi crisis. European alertness has been provoked by the actual transformation of NATO in the conductor of the American global strategy. Therefore, the European states felt that they can not rely entirely on the U.S. as a guarantor of security in the region, and doubted that Washingtons policy towards Europe would be consistent with their preferences and priorities. Consequently, it became clear that if the EU seeks to influence global policy agenda, rather than follow in the wake of the United States, it will ultimately require the readiness and ability to use harsh means to ensure security. Thus, the creation of ESDP was the most appropriate mechanism through which urgent problems would be solved. The EU 3 (Britain, France and Germany) and their role in development of ESDP The real breakthrough in the European cooperation in security sphere were the agreements reached at the Franco-British summit in Saint-Malo (December 1998). In the summit declaration had been mentioned about the need to provide opportunities for EU autonomous military operations, so that the EU would be able to take decisions and conduct military action in cases where the [Atlantic] Alliance is not involved [in the resolution of the crisis].[2] The negotiations, initiated by the British side, were not limited by the declarations and the European Council in 1999 and 2000s had been taken a number of decisions in order to strengthen the CFSP and create ESDP. At the Cologne summit institutional framework of ESDP has been fixed, and afterwards at the Helsinki summit stated the main goal, later transformed into catalog of forces. This goal was about creation by the year of 2003 such capabilities that would allow operational deployment of forces with the strengths of 50-60 thousands of troo ps (quick reaction force) that could sustain themselves at least one year, the final regulations were finally found in the Treaty of Nice, signed in February 2001. Up till now, there is a disagreement among the EU 3, about how the EU can become a more effective and influential actor in the world and what relations it must build with the US. These differences are associated with different approaches to the European integration in general. It will be considered, the role have been playing by Britain, France and Germany in ESDP, and what the major differences of their visions towards the implementation and essence of this policy. The first point which is noteworthy to point out is the question What ESDP is for? and we could find distinctively different approaches from the Three, where the British believe in a transatlantic Europe, the French espouse the concept of Europe as a power, whilst the Germans are deeply committed to the idea of Europe as an agent for peace.[3] Further it will expose these approaches more deeply. For a long time, Britain remained a staunch ally of the US, and did not felt the necessity to create anything out of the NATO military structure. But, after the events in Bosnia and Kosovo, the situation has radically changed in the opposite direction. The interests of the US and Britain during these conflicts were differed because the methods of solving such problems did not coincide.[4] All this led to the fact that Britain began to support and develop the idea of the EU military independence from the NATO and the United States. This approach has been similar to France; however on the other hand in the matters concerning their long-term visions these ideas werent match. The reason for this was that both countries with one hand would like to make the Europe as a power, which would be able to influence and respond to the world events, but on the other, each of them had their own idea of what role the EU should play in security and defense in long term period. Britain is keen to devel op strong Europes security actor, which would be able to significantly contribute to the NATO capabilities and will not duplicate it, from the France perspective which is partly similar to the British, but on the other hand would like to build up separate security institution Europe as a power ultimately capable for the common defence. However, Frances point of view is that the Europe and the US would not compete in any manner, only interact and complement each other as regional powers. Then, Germanys position has always remained under restraint, which was dictated by the lessons of the past. Compared with Britain and France, Germanys spending on defense sector was very small. And the idea of establishing ESDP, which gave them an opportunity to increase its military power, has found support in political circles very fast. Although, its opinion concerning ESDP functions was different from the others. The EU has been represented by the Germany, as an agent for peace, and methods of peaceful resolution of the conflict were the key point in its policy. The second difference of the Three is how they perceive ESDP: as military or civilian power, regional or global organization. For example, France feel despondent about the fact that most of the operations conducted under the framework of ESDP are civilian. The fact remains, the majority of military operations are carried out by the NATO, not by ESDP, and those that are conducted using NATO resources (Berlin Plus agreement). But despite that, France is trying to be involved in all the missions with the military character, because they believe the EU would be perceived as the security actor only under condition that they could project military power, not only civilian. Germanys vision is characterized as a counterbalance to the French position and does not distinguish military power as main tool for the strengthening of the EU position as a security actor; its remain opinion that military force in dealing with non-military security issues will not be successful. Although, at the same t ime not very much opposing building of the EU as a military power. Finally, Britain is quite pleased with the current balance of military and civil elements of ESDP.[5] They see ESDP as a very unique tool which is able to integrate civil aspects in military operations; moreover it is not duplicating or hindering NATO operations, even quite the contrary. But unlike Germany, they perceive military power as a robust tool in international arena and additional method of the influence in foreign policy. Finally, it is true the idea of the creation of ESDP has born because of the conflicts in the Europes backyard (i.e., Balkans); however after a decade the EU has been broaden their span of the operations quite significantly. The global role of the EU is formulated in the ESS in ethical terms of defending human rights and promoting democracy and solidarity (Petersburg tasks). Nonetheless, despite the general vision of the Three towards the global role of ESDP, some specifications ought to be made. Firstly, it is noteworthy to underline that the visions of France and Britain are getting to the same direction concerning mentioned issue, because it is relatively dictated by the permanent seats on the UN Security Council, as well as former colonial majesty of these countries. Moreover, one can clearly recognize that both countries paid special attention to the Africa. On contrary, Germany has usually not perceived the EU as a global actor, as it is dictated by the troublesome history. In the beginning they saw ESDP as a solution to the threats within the EU, but later they began to agitate the questions of the Caucasus, especially in Georgia. This could mean that Germany is reviewing its role as both the EUs role in the light of globalization. Therefore we may conclude that lack of unity in outlook of these countries, is a certain barrier for further development of ESDP. At the beginning of ESDP creation it was foreseen to become a common policy, but in reality decision-making process is based on intergovernmental cooperation which raises some additional obstacles during this process. Certainly it doesnt mean that each country should change its opinion, but still general model for solving different situations and questions, as well as common vision of ESDP essence should be established. Nonetheless, despite all mentioned above ESDP working and developing, that is the fact that EU 3 can find compromises. Thus, these difficulties can be resolved, if compliance of the Three will be greater. US attitude toward ESDP No less important factor is the U.S. attitude to ESDP. American view towards European security concept is resemblance to an opponent who does not agree with the arguments put forward, but believes that the honest expression of negative attitudes towards them will look clearly in unethical manner. One of the key factors influencing the U.S. position on the European security concept is its interaction with the structure of the North Atlantic Alliance. On this account quite explicitly suggested U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, explained: Our position is very clear we support ESDP, which is friendly to NATO[6]. On the other hand, Principal Analyst for European Union Affairs, US Dept. of State, David Armitage highlighted other US arguments against the existence of ESDP as follow: there would be competition for scarce financial resources; it could lead to a potential mismatch in doctrine, standards, and requirements, which would make interoperability (a perennial NATO problem) even harder to achieve; erecting new institutional structures would confuse and complicate procedures and policies that already existed within NATO. [7] U.S. attitude to ESDP depends on U.S. policy, which is based on U.S. global leadership by deterring the emergence of rival powers.[8] As a result, the U.S. tries to keep ESDP within NATO. It is true that NATO-EU relations are based on agreements of Berlin Plus, which were signed in December 2002 and entered into force in March 2003. So, its easy to see why Washington seemed that Berlin Plus gives it some advantages. EU guaranteed access to opportunities and resources of NATO planning for the implementation of EU operations for crisis management, and in return the United States expects from the EU a greater commitment to modernize its military capabilities. Main premises of Berlin Plus was that ESDP would reinforce NATO, not undermine it, and would ensure the advancement of the American position of three principles: there is no uncoupling of NATO, no duplication of resources and no discrimination against non EU members of NATO[9]. Besides, U.S Congress and administration were also encouraged by the fact that a close friend of the United States, United Kingdom, endorsed the project. However, European countries have not agreed to increase their military commitments in terms of defense spending and personnel. As noted in the U.S. Congressional Research Service, French officials long time argued that the EU should strive to become a counterweight to the United States on the international stage, and consider ESDP as a means of enhancing the political credibility of the EU[10]. Therefore, the United States has every reason to revise the terms of the treaty of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Berlin-Plus. Moreover, US worry that stronger ESDP would create European caucus inside NATO. Videlicet, NATO MS that are not EU members could be faced with unified front on the part of EU members in discussions within NATO. EU enlargement, however, has diminished the prospect of such a caucus emerging. Nevertheless, recently the US attitude to ESDP has been changed towards more positive direction. Firstly, US understood that EU posses stronger base to tackle with the civil questions. Secondly, in 2005 US political elite with the G. Bush in a lead announced that they actually support more powerful and unified Europe. Over and above, 9/11 that was an example of new security challenges brought to acknowledgement of necessity to gather all efforts together in order to solve these problems.[11] Therefore, powerful Europe is in the area of the US interest. As seen from the above relationship between U.S. and EU is quite complex. In the words of F. Stephen Larrabee, there are several steps that could persuade United States that ESDP strengthens rather than weakens the transatlantic relationship. First, due to the fact that the EU and the US interests on some security issues are different, especially concerning participation on some recent conflicts. The US should agree that EU should be able to plan and act as an autonomous organization outside of Alliance. Therefore, EU should develop their capabilities if they want to play on their own in the conflicts of EU interest. The main intent is to assure development of EU security capabilities in an apparent manner which further would strengthen the ability of US and EU to efficiently deal with potential security threats. Second, establishment of common strategies concerning transformation process of the defence issues of both players, the EU and the US. In the other words common treat perceptions and military doctrines, or at least well-matched, would be a great advantage in the future relationship between these parties. Third, it is necessary for NATO and the EU to build up system that would enhance quick and comprehensive response in crises time. Primarily it consists of planning mechanisms, force generation and ameliorate political consultation. As a final point, US should accept that the EU is becoming an ever more important political and security actor.[12] To conclude this chapter, I would emphasize that ESDP has been created during the hard time for the Europe, when it has faced such challenge, as remain under the NATO security umbrella, which showed that it will not always work in compliance with the Europe security issues, or make a real breakthrough towards the role of an independent actor in the World arena. Eventually step forward has been made, so at present the Europe has demonstrated itself competent at all areas, not only economical questions, but also in the defence and security sphere. Significant part of ESDP establishment has been made by the EU 3, however the Three showed not only progress in the history of the Europe, but to some degree doom ESDP to future problems, because of the different visions on future of this policy. Then, the relationship with the US as well as its partial influence on the Europe should not be forgotten. In other words, political context of ESDP is tangibly hampers the effectives of its develop ment for the reason of inability of the EU 3 to get to the common point of view, also because of the indirect influence of the US through the NATO, which for a long time has been a strong guarantor for the European defence and still remain to be such. In the next chapter will be analyzed two main problems which hamper development of ESDP, namely resource and institutional difficulties. Great role in the resolving of these problems plays ability of states to find compromises, and primarily in concern of the MS. Obstacles which hampers development of the effective ESDP Institutional pathologies of ESDP This subsection will address the main shortcomings of the institutional architecture of ESDP. Taking into account the main question of this work, the explanation about all institutions and their functions would be skipped. Thus, emphasis will be placed only on these problematic points that hinder ESDP effective existence. Since the inception of ESDP it was envisaged that the EU would largely pay attention to civil elements of security, but unfortunately the creators of the institutional architecture missed this important point, and suggested such basis for the institutional structure where military part has playing predominant role. Firstly, its necessary to stress that many of experts argue that the EU build up ESDP taken as an example the NATO institutional structure. The main institutions in ESDP are the Political Security Committee, a political body that controls the institution, and the EU Military Committee with the EU Military Staff. This corresponds to NATOs North Atlantic Council (NAC), the Military Committee (MC) and the International Military Staff. The British official was fast to point out that the architects of ESDP were aware that NATOs institutional design, in which the NAC and the MC are often not well coordinated, was not optimal, but they did not discuss the issue of trying to redress this set up.[13] As a result one can observe quite complicated cooperative actions between these bodies of ESDP, during the preparation phase and realization of their plans. The actual EU military crises response planning process at political and strategic level could be seen at Annex 2. Secondly, taking into consideration the treats what nowadays facing ESDP during its operations one can clearly identify the need for close cooperation between military and civilian in their coherence discussion. Some speakers argued that institutional coherence between the Council and the Commission had improved greatly in recent years, for instance in Georgia. But some processes are very slow the Commission, for instance, cannot easily re-direct aid spending to a country where there is an ESDP operation (i.e. Chad). Plus the Commission, in particular ECHO (its humanitarian aid agency), must remain neutral in conflicts and avoid becoming politicized.[14] Expert commentator on peacebuilding and security issues Rory Keane insist that the Union had constructed some crisis management capability and a foreign policy, but suffered from poor coordination between the two. The Lisbon treaty seeks more coherence between the Council and the Commission.[15] From these arguments one might conclu de that ESDP doesnt have practical useful chain of command and possesses significant internal difficulties. Thirdly, after analyze of the development of institutional architecture of ESDP throughout the last few years, I can clearly see two problematic issues related to this policy. The first and main problem is that the structure of EU crisis management at the political, strategic and operational level remains weak. I could even say that this structure does not meet the ambitions of the EU on carrying out a large number of operations. In fact, notably on the civilian side, it is already stretched to the limit. On the military side, in the absence of EU operational headquarters, the Union remains a non-autonomous actor and the availability of national HQs to plan and run ESDP operations has proven intermittent. [16] Besides, at present time an important area of concern remains to be improved which is experience and expertise of the staff in Brussels-based bodies that can ensure proper planning and conduct of operations, both civilian and military ones. Despite of everything mentioned above the MS diligently working on closing of these institutional gaps. Enormous role in improvement of the institutional shortages will be played by the Lisbon Treaty, which is already a fact that MS trying to find compromises. The essence of the resource problems of ESDP at the present time Financing ESDP The first aspect to point out is the fact that the EU does not have its own defense budget. On the other words, each country decides itself how much it needs to spend on defense sphere. Therefore, the EU itself cannot change it, because it is not within its authority. In general, all EU member countries spend over 200 billion Euros on defense, ranking second place in the world after the U.S.[17] Which seems to confirm the idea that such amount of money would be enough for the effective existence of ESDP, if there were a common budget. Thus, it is worth to start with question how ESDP missions financed? The answer is that in compliance of the Treaty of European Union operating expenditure incurred in implementing CFSP and ESDP decisions is charged to the budget of European Communities (European budget), except for the operations that have military character.[18] In other word, EU have a common budget they have to allocate money for definitive period of time, with a special procedures which is not very clear and fast, which should be the first aspect of the financing system for the crises response operations in order to win the time for the preparation of the mission. Then, it should be noted that there is a difference in the budgeting between military and civilian operations in the framework of ESDP. Thus, civilian operations are financing by the EU and related to the CFSP budget (EU Budget, Heading 4: EU as a global player).[19] If we analyze all the costs of the section  «EU as a global player », we can see that it is only 3% of the entire section. Moreover, after analyzing the specific data in Annex 1 you can see a decrease of CFSP budget on 14% compared with last year, which is in my opinion not enough if we look back at the problems with the financing in ongoing missions and take into account that EU should be ready for the new threats which the World possess nowadays. Furthermore, the decision-making process of the allocation of money from my perspective is not very consistent and it is as follows, following a proposal from the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament the two branches of the EU budgetary authority agree the exact size of the CFSP budget. The dialogue between the Council and the Parliament is crucial in this context, and it has not always been smooth. This is perhaps inherent to a policy area such as CFSP where, by Treaty, the EP has the last word on the budget but limited say on substantial political decisions.[20] Thus after analyzing the decision-making process of the European budget, I came out to the solution that it is obvious picture of bureaucratic system, what is in my point of view unavoidable situation in any intergovernmental organization. However, in case of preparatory actions for the preparation of the crises response missions has been made significant changes between 2006 and 2007, such as enabling the Commission to fund preparatory measures from CFSP budget. Moreover in 2008, the Commission adopted a framework decision specifying what costs the preparatory measures for ESDP operations can cover the procedure to finance them. The specificity of these measures is that they can make funds available before the relevant legal act is adopted.[21] Therefore, the first step towards activation of mission and preparation for it could be partly supported from the first day. Conversely, it is still lack of financing for ESDP missions as one could witness in the Financial Framework 2007-2013, where the CFSP budget for is à ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬1.98 billon.[22] The budget is expected to cover crisis management operations (civilian ESDP missions only), conflict prevention, conflict resolution and stabilisation, non-proliferation and disarmament measures and EU Special Representatives. Besides, two problems had been directly associated with the 2007-2013 EU budgets in the word of the researcher from German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Annegret Bendiek: lack of democratic control over common defence policy activities and the related spending; MS have provided insufficient resources to fund the EUs ambitions become a fully-fledged actor in its foreign and security policy, meaning that additional money has to be diverted from sources outside the budget.[23] It is important to add that ESDP military operations are financing through separate inter-governmental arrangements the so called Athena mechanism, which is covering preparatory phase of the operations. All the MS (except Denmark) contribute to certain expenditure, strictly defined, according to a fixed coefficient depending on their GDP scale.[24] However, this funding only covers 10 % of total operation costs. In other words, the biggest burden for the operation covers by contributing nation. The ATHENA budget (financed by 24 MS) in 2005 it was approximately 60 million Euros, for 2006, the budget was about 68 million Euros[25] Overall, there is ongoing work concerning increasing the budget for Athena mechanism by the MS, but yet no consensus has been found between them. Military capabilities The first issue is that the EU does not have its own Armed Forces, as well as its own defence budget. Therefore, each MS maintain autonomy of their Armies, and can decide about contribution to every particular mission. Regardless of significant EU expenditure on defence sector, MS did not change completely their Armed Forces posture after Cold War toward nowadays global security challenges. In Annex 3 we can see the progress of ESDP military capabilities by comparing MS equipments in 1999 and 2009. Besides, it is ongoing transformation of the Armed Forces of the MS from the previously Cold War doctrine; therefore, in 2008 the 27 EU governments had reduced their armed forces to 2 million personnel, and j Power Line Communication: a Green Computing Power Line Communication: a Green Computing Varsha Mohite Tejas Kandgaonkar ABSTRACT After evolution of wireless technology, classical Public Switched Telephone Network (PSTN) suffered through the drastic change. As a result of it, approximate 80-90% wired telephone networks are replaced by wireless network. But due to wireless network humans are nowadays facing various problems such as sleep disturbances, heart palpitations, migraines, and general poor health due to electromagnetic radiations. So there is need to switchover towards some existing wired network for communication. This leads to a new approach of green computing by using the existing power lines for the communication. This paper covers the working mechanism of power line communication, its modulation techniques and its applications. This paper will also give the general idea about the components for PLC based network elements. KEYWORDS Green Computing, PLC, Power Line Communication, Power Line Networking, Green Networking INTRODUCTION TO POWER LINE COMMUNICATION Power Line Communication (PLC) is a technology for the communication which provides the facility to send and receive data over existing wired network of power lines [1]. It is sometimes called as Internet over Power Line (IPL). Fig 1 Power Line Communication Power Line Communication is now became a need of today’s modern digital era due to following reasons: Slackening of telecommunication. Deregulation of electricity utilities. Increasing growth of digitization in every premise. Power grid control. PCL categorized into two categories as Narrowband PLC and Broadband PLC as follows [2], Narrowband PLC Narrowband PLC works at very low frequency range of 3-500 KHz with data rates from few 100s of kbps to several kilometers. Due to the application of narrowband PLC in smart grid technology, nowadays it is area of interest of many researchers. Broadband PLC Broadband PLC is last-mile solution for internet and networking through power lines. It has very high data rate and no any additional wiring is required for it, as it uses existing wired network. Thus this technology is serving as effective technology for Home Area Network (HAN). This way of communication through existing wired network of power lines provides following features: Lower cost for construction as it is using existing wired communication media. Provides high speed, high capacity, and long distance communication. It cannot be affected by electric fields or magnetic fields. It can be used for protection, system control and equipment automation. DEVELOPMENT PHASES The leading company in the field of power line communication based devices and services KEPKO KDN [5] has given the brief business record as below: Power line communication (PLC) trial service (Nov. 2004 ~ Jul. 2005, Remote metering, transformer monitoring, and internet service for 1,500 households in Daegu and Daejeon regions) Energy saving system construction using PLC technology (Feb. 2005 ~ May. 2005, Constructed street lights and in-building lights control system for Korea South-East Power and Bundang Combines Cycle Thermal Plant) Constructed integrated metering network based on power line communication (PLC) technology (Oct. 2005 ~ Dec. 2005, Electricity and gas remote metering system for 190 households in Gyeongnam region) PLC lighting control system for Younghung Thermal Power Plant (Dec. 2005 ~ present, Constructed lighting control (street light, turbine building, and high pressure building) system for Korea South-East Power Co Younghung Thermal Plant) Established industry-university online education infrastructure based on PLC technology (Dec. 2006 ~ Dec. 2007 Constructed and PLC home network for Korea Polytechnics education infra, and provided education and training support) Power line communication (PLC) based second remote metering trial service (Aug. 2007 ~ Dec. 2007, Constructed PLC based remote metering system for 5,000 household in Uijeongbu and three other regions) Constructed Power line communication (PLC) based integrated remote metering system (Aug. 2007 ~ Sept. 2007 Electricity, water, and gas metering system for 100 households in the South Seoul Business Unit (Mokdong) Lighting energy saving system expansion construction using power line communication (Sept. 2007 ~ Dec. 2007 Constructed expansion system in Busan Combined Cycle Thermal Plan of Nambu Power Plant (main control building, chemical building, CWP building, material building) PLC long distance transmission equipment supply (Apr. 2007 ~ Sept. 2007, Delivered couplers for long distance communication using high voltage lines for six business premises including KEPCO Jeju branches) PROBLEMS WITH PLC AND PROPOSED SOLUTION The current power lie networks are not designed for communication. PLC has the impairments like high attenuation, significant potential interference and the noise which is generated by all loads connected to the grid. With the application of OFDM modulation scheme these problems can be minimized. Encoding technique should be applied to achieve high data rates. PLC NETWORK ELEMENTS PLC Modem PLC modem is used to connect you communication device with the power line as a transmission medium. It performs the similar functionalities of the general modem. PLC Base Station A PLC base station is used to connect PLC to its backbone network. Other than this PLC gateways, repaters and coupling are also essential. OPERATING MECHANISM Like normal communication process, in Power Line Communication also sender modulates data and sends towards the receiver through the transmission media. At the receiving end receiver demodulates the received signal to read it. But only change is that the communication medium is the power line. PLC does not require any kind of extra cabling mechanism. By using PLC virtually all power-plugged devices can be controlled or monitored. From the network oriented point of view, 7-layered OSI reference model consideration is essential. Some PLC chips serves as only physical layer. It can be also used as Digital Signal Processor (DSP) with a clean software consciousness of the Medium Access Control sub layer and Physical Layer. MODULATION TECHNIQUES Various modulation techniques can be used in PLC such as Orthogonal Frequency Shift Keying, Binary Frequency Shift Keying, Frequency Shift Keying and Spread Frequency Shift Keying. In the table below these modulation techniques are compared by using two important parameters, complexity and bandwidth. OFDM gives highest data rates and FSK offers lowest complexity. Thus current trend is to move towards the combination of OFDM and FSK. APPLICATIONS Earlier, we saw that PLC is widely used in the Smart Grid and in micro-inverters. PLC can be used in other applications like lighting (e.g. traffic light control, LED dimming), industrial (e.g. UPS communicating to a network device, irrigation control), machine-to-machine (e.g. vending machines, a hotel’s reception-to-room communication), telemetry (e.g. offshore oil rigs), transport (e.g. Electronics in cars, trains and airplanes) and indeed, applications of PLC are only limited by one’s creativity. The major applications of power line communication [5] include: High-speed internet and Home Network High-speed internet Home network VoIP Integrated metering (electric, water, gas, hot water, heating) Security, alarm Power IT Remote metering Distribution automation Street light control Unmanned substation surveillance Underground utility conduit monitoring SCADA Air conditioner control Energy saving lights control for power plant Misc Applications Traffic signal control Road monitoring Emergency phone Forest fire monitoring Elevator control SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION REFERENCES [1] DOSTERT, K. Powerline Communications. Prentice-Hall PTR, 2001, ISBN 0-13-029342-3. [2] AHOLA, J. Applicability of power-line communicationsto data transfer of on-line condition monitoring ofelectrical drives. Thesis for the degree of Doctor ofScience (Technology). Lappeenranta University ofTechnology, Lappeenranta 2003, ISBN 951-764-783-2,ISSN 1456-4491. [3] KOSONEN, A. Power line communication in motorcables of variable-speed electric drives − analysis andimplementation. Thesis for the degree of Doctor ofScience (Technology). Lappeenranta University of Technology, Lappeenranta 2008, ISBN 978-952-214-641-0, ISBN 978-952-214-642-7 (PDF), ISSN 1456-4491, 2008. [4] HRASNICA, H., HAIDINE, A., LEHNERT, R.Broadband Powerline Communications Networks.England: Wiley, 2004. 275 pp. ISBN 0-470-85741-2. [5] https://www.kdn.com/home3/we/gs/WEGS_0106.jsp?toMenuNum=510

Physics of Aikido Essay -- physics martial arts fighting fight

Aikido is the martial art that focuses primarily on redirection and control of ones opponent (uke. Pronounced OO-kay). This consists of a set of throws and holds which are intended to subdue and control an uke without permanently harming them. On a spiritual level, Aikido is focused on bringing harmony of the body into harmony of others. Roughly translated Aikido means "The Way of Harmony of the Spirit" which holds true today, though different schools place different emphasis on the spiritual aspect. Aikido was first created approximatly 80 years ago by Morihei Ueshiba, and took a great many techniques from Jujitsu, Judo and Kenjutsu and modified them. Ueshiba focused on forming a martial art that placed a great emphasis on moral and spiritual values as well as a system of techniques that would integrate with the philosophy of Aikido. What about the physics? On a practical level, Aikido is not a martial art of strength and power. It does not focus on throwing punches and kicks to directly oppose an uke's attack. Instead, the focus on redirection means that the physical aspect of Aikido is primarily a dancelike type of motion that is very smooth and flowing. This allows the Aikidoist to harmonize with an uke. This harmonizing allows the Aikidoist to redirect an ukes energy and manipulate the forces that are acting on that person. From a physics standpoint, this means manipulating the location of an uke's center of mass to destabilize and ultimatly bring the uke to the ground. Make sure to swing by the Nifty Section to see some really in-depth and interesting history of Aikido. Basic Physics Big vs. Small Aikido is as much about basic physics as it is about the spiritual aspect. Aikido seeks to make the weak eq... .... A good source since Aikido and Judo are closely related. "The Physics Of Forces In Aikido: Making The Weak Equal To The Strong" http://www.fightingarts.com/reading/article.php?id=284 Chock full of highly informative bits of information. Originally ran in Scientific American, reprinted on this website. "The Aikido FAQ" http://www.aikidofaq.com/ Best. Site. Ever. Everything and anything you ever want to know about Aikido. "Tenchi Nage" http://www.aikido.waw.pl/pol/techniki/tenchi_nage_technika.htm\ Gathered collection of images and illustrative information. "Physics in Hand-to-Hand Combat" http://www.physicspost.com/articles.php?articleId=80 An article similar in content to the Scientific American reprint above. Very useful for basic understanding of relationship between physics and martial arts.

Aids And Its Causes :: Free AIDS Essays

AIDS and Its Causes 1.INTRODUCTION   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In June 1981, the centers for The Disease Control of the United States reported that five young homosexual men in the Los Angels area had contracted Pneumocystis Carinii pneumonia( a kind of pneumonia that is particularly found in AIDS patient). 2 of the patients had died. This report signalled the begninning of an epidemic of a viral disease characterized by immunosuppression associated with opportunistic infection( an infection caused by a microrganism that does not normally produce disease in human; it occurs in persons with abnomality functioning immune system), secondary neoplasms( any abnormal growth of new tissue, benign or malignant) and neurologic mainfestation, which has come to be known as AIDS.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Though Aids was first discovered in U.S.A, AIDS has been reported from more than 163 countries around the world and an estimated 10 million people are infected worldwide. Worsestill, the pool of HIV- infected persons in Africa is large and expanding. 2.RISK GROUP AND MODE OF TRANSMISSION   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Studies in the U.S.A. have retentified five groups of adults at risk for developing AIDS. The case distribution in these groups are as follows: (1). Homosexuals or bisexual males constitute the largest group, about 60% of the reported cases. This includes 5% who were intravenuous drug as well. (2). Intravenous drug users with no previous history of homosexuality compose the next largest group, about 23% of all patients. (3). Hemophiliacs (the people who have inborn disease characterized by excesssive bleeding and occuring only in males) especially those who received factor VIII concentrate before 1985, about 1% of all patients. (4). Recipents of blood and blood components who are not hemophiliacs but who received tranfusions of HIV-infected whole blood components (e.g. platelet, plasma) account for 2 %. (5). Other high risk groups: 86% of patients acquire disease through heterosexual contacts with members of other high risk groups. 80% of children with AIDS have a HIV-infected parents and suffer from transplacental or perinatal transmission.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Thus from the preceding discussion, it should be aparent that transmission of HIV occurs under conditions that facilitate exchange of blood fluids containing the virus-infected cells. Hence, the three major routes of transmission are sexual contact , parenteral routes( ie adminstration of a substance not through the digestive system) and the passage of the virus from infected mothers to their new borns where are mainly by three routes: in the womb by transplacental spread, during delivery through a infected birth canal, and after birth by ingestion of breast milk. 3. CAUSES   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  It is little doubt that AIDS is caused by HIV-I, a human type C retrovirus ( RNA virus the contains the enzyme, reverse transcriptase , to

Cervical Cancer and The HPV Vaccine Controversy: Where are the men? Whe

HPV Vaccination Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancerous death, in women, since 1950. Approximately 200,000 cervical cancer patients die each year in developing countries. Strains like HPV 16 and 18 cause about 70% of cervical cancer in women– one of the top causes of death in the world (WebMD, 2010, p.1). In the Unites States, about 10,000 women acquire the disease and 3,700 die annually Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) is directly associated as a cause of cervical cancer. This virus affects the skin and genital area and, in some cases, it can also infect the throat and mouth. Since the HPV is passed from one person to another through skin-to-skin or sexual contact, sexually active people are more prone to this virus. Merck pharmaceuticals, in November 2006, began a lobbying and advertising campaign through which they aimed to promote the mandatory vaccination for young women with the vaccine, Gardasil. Some argue that mandatory vaccination is good for females .However, feminists emphat ically argue that the HPV vaccine should not be mandatory for young women because of the fact that there are large expenses associated with the vaccine that could lead to conflict of interest, the fact that men carry this virus yet there is no push to vaccinate them and the fact that it is not clear that the vaccine has been sufficiently tested to ensure women’s safety. Since the vaccine research is currently only funded by the manufacturer of the drug, this raises serious conflict-of-interest issues. Merck pharmaceuticals actually funded initiatives in the United States that were in favour of passing legislation to require mandatory vaccinations. In fact, money was funnelled through an organization called Women in Government (AP January 2... ... the healer is often maintained by promoting fear, rather than strength, on the part of patients (Sherwin 1992, 143). A lot of unanswered questions remain in the case of Merck’s promotion of mandatory vaccination for women. There is a great deal of money to be made from this vaccine. When we start to uncover and examine the power structures in this healthcare initiative, we can see that there may be reason to be concerned. This does not mean that Gardasil is necessarily bad or that no young women should ever get the vaccine. However, it does mean that when we examine how powerful pharmaceutical companies work in concert with political organizations and powerful political leaders, then the consumers have a reason not to, blindly, accept the given information. We need to ensure that those with corporate interests are not the only voices heard in this debate.

All the Presidents of India

1| Dr Rajendra Prasad (1884–1963)| | 26 January 1950| 13 May 1962| Dr. S Radhakrishnan| 1952 election page  &  1957 election page Prasad was the first President of independent India from Bihar. [7][8]  He was also an independence activist of the Indian Independence Movement. [9]Prasad was the only president to serve for two terms in office. [4]| 2| Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888–1975)| | 13 May 1962| 13 May 1967| Zakir Hussain| 1962 election page Radhakrishnan was a prominent philosopher, writer, a  Knight of the Realm  and also held the position of  vice chancellor  of the  Andhra University  andBanaras Hindu University. 10]  He was also made a Knight of the  Golden Army of Angels  by  Pope Paul VI. [11]| 3| Zakir Hussain (1897–1969)| | 13 May 1967| 3 May 1969| Varahagiri Venkata Giri| 1967 election page Hussain was vice chancellor of theAligarh Muslim University  and a recipient of  Padma Vibhushan  andBharat Ratna. [12]  He di ed before his term of office was ended. | | Varahagiri Venkata Giri  * (1894–1980)| | 3 May 1969| 20 July 1969| | Giri was appointed as acting president following the death of Hussain. [13]  He resigned in a few months to take part in the presidential elections. [5]| | Muhammad Hidayatullah  * 1905–1992)| | 20 July 1969| 24 August 1969| | Hidayatullah served as the  Chief Justice of India, and was a recipient of the  Order of the British Empire. [14]  He served as acting president until the election of Giri as the President of India. | 4| Varahagiri Venkata Giri (1894–1980)| | 24 August 1969| 24 August 1974| Gopal Swarup Pathak| 1969 election page Giri is the only person to have served as both an acting president and president of India. He was a recipient of the Bharat Ratna, and has functioned as Indian Minister of Labour and High Commissioner to  Ceylon  (Sri Lanka). [15]| 5| Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed 1905–1977)| | 24 August 1974| 11 February 1977| Basappa Danappa Jatti| 1974 election page Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed served as a Minister before being elected as president. He died in 1977 before his term of office ended, and was the second Indian president to have died during a term of office. [16]| | Basappa Danappa Jatti  * (1912–2002)| | 11 February 1977| 25 July 1977| | Jatti was the vice president of India during Ahmed's term of office, and was sworn in as acting president upon Ahmed's death. He earlier functioned as the Chief Minister for the State ofMysore. [16][17]| 6| Neelam Sanjiva Reddy 1913–1996)| | 25 July 1977| 25 July 1982| Muhammad Hidayatullah| 1977 election page N. S. Reddy was the first Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh State. Reddy was the only Member of Parliament from the Janata Party to get elected from Andhra Pradesh. [18]  He was unanimously elected Speaker of the  Lok Sabha  on 26 March 1977 and relinquished this office on 13 July 1977 to become the 6th President of India. | 7| Gia ni Zail Singh (1916–1994)| | 25 July 1982| 25 July 1987| Ramaswamy Venkataraman| 1982 election page In March 1972, Singh assumed the position of chief Minister of Punjab, and in 1980, he became Union Home Minister. 19]| 8| Ramaswamy Venkataraman (1910–2009)| | 25 July 1987| 25 July 1992| Shankar Dayal Sharma| 1987 election page In 1942, Venkataraman was jailed by the British for his involvement in theIndia's independence  movement. [20]After his release, he was elected to independent India’s Provisional Parliament as a member of the Congress Party in 1950 and eventually joined the central government, where he first served as Minister of Finance and Industry and later as Minister of Defence. [21]| 9| Shankar Dayal Sharma 1918–1999)| | 25 July 1992| 25 July 1997| Kocheril Raman Narayanan| 1992 election page Sharma was Chief Minister of  Madhya Pradesh, and the Indian Minister for Communications. He has also served as the governor of  Andhra Pradesh,  Punjaband  Maharashtra. [22]| 10| Kocheril Raman Narayanan (1920–2005)| | 25 July 1997| 25 July 2002| Krishan Kant| 1997 election page Narayanan served as India's ambassador to Thailand, Turkey, China and United States of America. He received doctorates in Science and Law and was also a chancellor in several universities. [23]  He was also the vice-chancellor of  Jawaharlal Nehru University. 24]| 11| A. P. J. Abdul Kalam (1931–)| | 25 July 2002| 25 July 2007| Bhairon Singh Shekhawat| 2002 election page Kalam, was a scientist who played a leading role in the development of India's ballistic missile and nuclear weapons programs. [25]  Kalam also received theBharat Ratna. | 12| Pratibha Patil (1934–)| | 25 July 2007| Incumbent| Mohammad Hamid Ansari| 2007 election page Patil is the first woman to become the President of India. She was also the first female Governor of Rajasthan. [26][27]| ————————â⠂¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€Ã¢â‚¬â€- [edit]Timeline